#no more pacs or lobbyists
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“The influence of Israeli money in American politics—!”


Qatar—the country that funds Al Jazeera and is currently hosting Hamas senior officials—spends more money lobbying the US government than Israel does.
China, Japan, and Liberia each spend roughly twice what Israel does on lobbying. Where’s the outrage about the Liberian lobby being a threat to US democracy?
Hell, the Bahamas has a greater influence on American politics than Israel. I see you freaked out about shekels; where’s this energy for the starfish pennies?
“but AIPAC!”
AIPAC isn’t the biggest pro-Israel PAC, it’s just the Jewish one, and pro-Israel PACs don’t even scratch the top ten of special interest groups.
Y’all’re just weirdly obsessed with the narrative that Jewish money drives American politics.
Source:
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Why, after every electoral loss, is the left always the scapegoat? It’s easier to blame activists for pushing a progressive agenda than confront the real issue: the Democratic Party has long been shaped by far more powerful forces—corporate interests, lobbyists, and consultants—whose influence has neglected the real crises facing everyday Americans. We see this cycle again and again. Contrary to establishment narratives, the Democratic leadership has often resisted advocacy organizations pushing for bold reforms on immigration, Big Tech, climate, debt, healthcare, rent, mass incarceration, Palestinian rights, and for policies like the Build Back Better agenda. This tension isn’t just about differing priorities—it reveals the actual balance of forces in the party. Corporate donors on Wall Street and Silicon Valley pour billions into campaigns, shaping agendas to suit their interests. A consultant class reaps millions from flawed strategies and failed candidates yet continues to fail upward, perpetuating a pattern of mediocrity. They, not progressives, are the roadblock preventing Democrats from becoming a populist force that could disrupt the status quo and win back voters of all stripes. It was these elements within the party that kneecapped the Democrats’ most ambitious efforts to help ordinary Americans. The Biden administration entered with huge plans, notably Build Back Better, which would have delivered immediate relief: expanded child tax credits, free community college, universal child care and pre-K, paid leave, and more. Progressives pushed mightily for Build Back Better to pass. It was centrist obstruction—namely Senators Manchin and Sinema—that blocked those policies. The result was a patchwork of long-term measures like the Inflation Reduction Act and the Bipartisan Infrastructure Deal, whose benefits won’t be felt until 2025 at the earliest, if at all. By failing to pass Build Back Better, Democrats lost the chance to deliver easy-to-understand, tangible economic benefits and solidify their image as the party of working people. And it was corporate Democrats—particularly lobbyists like Harris’s brother-in-law, former Uber executive Tony West, and David Plouffe—who held the most sway over Harris’s campaign. They advised her to cozy up to ultra-wealthy celebrities, Liz and Dick Cheney, and Mark Cuban, and avoid populist rhetoric that could have distanced her from the corporate elites who dominate the party. In 2024, the biggest spenders in Democratic Party politics weren’t progressives—it was AIPAC, cryptocurrency PACs, and corporate giants like Uber, all of whom poured millions into Democratic campaigns without regard for public opinion or the will of the people.
18 November 2024
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Usamah Andrabi and Alexandra Rojas at Zeteo:
Democrats need more working-class leaders in Congress to be the party of the working class. This past election cycle had more billionaire money than ever before – just 150 billionaire families spent nearly $2 billion to get their preferred candidates elected and win a Republican trifecta in the federal government. In Congress, mostly through AIPAC’s Super PAC, this also included over $30 million specifically into Democratic primaries to unseat two of the most working-class members to ever walk the halls of Congress – former nurse Cori Bush in Missouri and former middle school principal Jamaal Bowman in New York. After AIPAC’s success in these two primaries, the cryptocurrency industry ran a carbon-copy strategy – funneling millions from Wall Street into our elections to buy bipartisanship cover for their policies. Crypto companies have accounted for nearly half of all donations made by corporations this election cycle and, most notably, spent over $40 million to beat anti-crypto, pro-worker Democratic Senator Sherrod Brown in Ohio last year. The richest man in the world, Elon Musk, also recently vowed to fund ‘moderate’ primary challengers to incumbent Democrats in deep blue seats when he doesn’t get what he wants. All this at a time when 60% of Americans live paycheck to paycheck, and, according to a 2017 study, three billionaire families own more wealth than the bottom half of the country.
Oligarchy has become the defining issue of our time – the US is moving rapidly toward an oligarchic and authoritarian society in which billionaires dominate the information we consume, our economic status, and our political representation. The billionaire class has caught on to the threat a new generation of working-class leaders poses to their bottom line. They are investing more than ever in Democratic primaries as a key part of their election strategy because it has been one of the few tactics that has directly threatened their power to operate with impunity in the federal government.
The members of Congress our organization, Justice Democrats, recruited and helped get elected have challenged the status quo. They come from the working class and were elected by the working-class voters of their districts. They won with grassroots donations and refused corporate PAC and lobbyist money, so they are unbought and unbossed. They have forcefully taken on Donald Trump and the GOP over these last six years, and, when necessary, have challenged the leadership within their own party to ensure poor and working people aren’t left behind in policymaking and governance. Whether it is standing with striking workers on the picket line; delivering historic levels of student debt relief and climate investments; sleeping on the Capitol steps to keep people in their homes; or for over a year, fighting to end the genocide being carried out against Palestinians with our tax dollars – Justice Democrats have used the power and megaphones of their congressional offices to speak up and put their bodies on the line to protect working families at home and abroad. They have set a new standard of urgency and leadership for working people in Congress Democrats cannot afford to lose.
After once again losing to Donald Trump and failing to win majorities in the Senate and House, we are in a pivotal moment for the Democratic Party. If Democrats want to be the party of the working class, they need to start confronting the power structures that institutionalize inequality. We cannot lose sight that the same billionaires funding AIPAC and crypto's super PACs are the same billionaires flying Samuel Alito out on a private jet, who are the same billionaires who funded Donald Trump and JD Vance’s victory in November. This is not about which side has the better billionaires – this is about ridding our elections and government of all billionaire and corporate influence and moving forward with a new Democratic Party that takes on the wealthy few to serve the American majority.
This column in Zeteo is 100% correct: Democrats need more working class-aligned leaders in Congress.
#Labor#Working Class#Oligarchy#AIPAC#Crypto#Cryptocurrency#Cori Bush#Jamaal Bowman#Justice Democrats
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Losing your faith in U.S. democracy as a kid, watching one candidate win the vote and the other get elected, is hard. Somehow losing faith you didn’t know was left as a voting adult is even harder.
Fuck political propaganda. Fuck fear-mongering. Fuck lobbyists and corporations and super PACs and Elon Musk in particular. Fuck every voter who couldn’t bear to vote for a woman, a person of color, an intelligent and educated person. You didn’t have to agree with her but you had to understand that Trump’s presidency makes the lives of SO MANY PEOPLE more dangerous.
When the republican agenda trickles down to you I hope you suffer the most.
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Ok, I'm sorry. But I have to make a separate post about this. I can't say with certainty that fans speculating about how far Kim could have made it in life if she had never met Jimmy, are missing the point of BCS. But if fans aren't missing the point of the show, then this just demonstrates why the show is missing the point of reality.
We live in an incredibly sexist and oligarchic country. So no, sweetie; Kim Wexler would not be the president if only she never listened to Jimmy. If she had never met Jimmy, I'm not convinced she ever would have even become a partner at HHM. But thank you for calling attention to the exact reason BCS gets under my skin so much: this series makes one of the most compelling arguments I've ever seen in a work of fiction, that the glass ceiling is real, and we cannot rely on our betters to magnanimously hand power down according to merit. While preaching out the other side of its mouth, a much less cogent argument that something something "rule-breaking is bad m'kay?" (even though we spend six seasons glamorizing it).
You want to know how to become president? You listen to the devil on your shoulder, and you stick with the one man who ever actually believed in you. You use the Sandpiper money to buy think tanks, and lobbyists, and super-pacs and all that crap. You sew yourself into the inner circle of the rich and powerful and start slitting throats when they let their guard down. You accept that Howard might have been a regrettable casualty, but he was good practice for dealing with rich white men who REALLY need to die. You use the experience to harden your heart, against the war crimes you will inevitably become complicit in if you actually achieve any notable position in global politics, even as you fight to stop the atrocities and diffuse the attacks on women's civil liberties.
I don't like Kim's character arc, because the resolution seemed to amount to "You might think you won't regret destroying someone you perceive as an obstacle to your success, but you will in the light of day". And I just have to ask... what if you're wrong? What if I won't be? I agree with 5x10 Kim way more than I do 6x09 Kim; you don't know me, Vince Gilligan. You don't know ruthless women, or where our priorities lie. You don't know what I'm capable of doing, without losing much sleep over it. Honestly the fact that the series doesn't mention abortion rights once, makes me feel like maybe I understood the stakes and scope of Kim's story better than the writers did. Because if the aesop is "the ends don't justify the means", I'm sorry but I'm not persuaded.
Where would Kim be without Jimmy? Still tiring herself out on the hamster wheel, that's where!
#better call saul#kim wexler#slippin kimmy#and if you like this interpretation check out my fanfics#vote harris
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when this despicable russian asset narcissistic psycho convicted FelonDon is gone, merica will need a complete rewrite if its constitution removing wealthy control. No elected millionaires no "celebrities" No super pacs, NO lobbyist allowed in politics!
$100 limit per candidate per election!
NO more wealthy buying elections
Hand marked ballots
manually tabulated
vocally transmitted to state election office!
Listen, if a Bad President can come in and take away our rights and we're dependent on a Good President replacing them in four years to give us back our rights, then we do not have any rights.
If politicians can take or distribute them, then they're not "inalienable" and they're not "rights."
We don't have inalienable rights we have conditional privileges, divvied out according to the whims of whoever currently holds the reins.
And if we want to have actual rights, then we must build a system in which no one has the power to take them away to begin with.
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So…so? Is that all? Be normal, do normal stuff, don’t be awful, be decent to people? Does this add up to a philosophy? Is this the platform that inspired all of those billionaires to donate to all of those PACs? Is this the stuff that drew $50 million into the coffers of Third Way? Is this what drew all of these people into this ballroom at such an urgent historical moment? Is this what made me spend a nice sunny day surrounded by pasty lobbyists in all manner of herringbone blazers trying to chat up unfortunate 20-year-old interns? Why the fuck were we here?
A clue to a more realistic answer came when centrist journalist Josh Barro interviewed Congressman Ritchie Torres. Torres has received an enormous amount of cash from AIPAC and subsequently has become a staunch Israel advocate during the massacre of Gaza, despite the fact that he represents the South Bronx and certainly is not hearing from a ton of his constituents demanding further dead Palestinian children. Amidst Barro’s questions about how New York City might give less aid to newly arrived migrants, a group of young protesters bearing “GAYS AGAINST GENOCIDE” banners rushed the stage. “Oh, Jesus Christ! Enough!” sputtered Barro, which was pretty funny. Soon enough the protesters were dragged off, and Barro continued on, asking about how to restrict the power of labor unions, and Torres continued on talking about how brave people of the center need to stand up to extremists. Do you know what did not get mentioned at all in that interview? Israel. The reason why the protesters were there in the first place. They were not there because they opposed permitting reform, or Abundance. They were there because Torres has been a vocal advocate and political ally of a government carrying out a genocidal war. In this, Ritchie Torres would seem to represent all of the things that these common sense centrists claim to oppose: Being bought by special interests, being wholly insincere, doing something that his own constituents do not want or need. Yet none of that, apparently, was important enough for Barro to ask a question about it. The crowd yelled at the protesters, and clapped loudly when they were gone, applauding Torres’ cool equanimity, yet nothing at all was said about the central reason that they were there. Here was an opportunity to expose a cowardly politician bought and paid for, catering to violent extremists! But it didn’t come up, somehow.
It became clear yesterday that the centrists have two primary messages, which contradict one another. The first message is, “We just need to do the common sense things that regular folks want.��� The second message is, “Here are a bunch of highly paid Harvard-educated consultants to discuss what that is, statistically.” The entire event consisted of panels alternating between these two points. There was a presentation from the data engineer Lakshya Jain transmuting politicians into fantasy football participants, ranking every Democrat who had run for Congress by “Wins Above Replacement”—how much their vote share had exceeded statistical expectations for a Democrat in their district. This, he explained, was the definition of a “good candidate.” To drive home the point, Liam Kerr, the pollster co-hosting the event, appeared in a West Virginia Mountaineers football jersey in honor of Joe Manchin, the greatest Democratic candidate in modern history by this measure. What mattered was not “Is this candidate a fucking sellout?” but rather, “How statistically red of a district is it possible for anyone with a ‘D’ next to their name to win?” Interspersed with all of this data were exhortations to Be Normal. Democrats need to “run people who know how to talk to ordinary people… soccer moms,” Jain said. If you ask anyone in the political world to define “ordinary people” and they answer “soccer moms,” it is a dead giveaway that they never interact with any ordinary people and think purely in branded demographic abstractions. The entire United States land mass would have to be covered with soccer fields and minivan parking to account for the number of soccer moms that exist in the minds of political consultants. Welcomefest consisted of professional consultants telling politicians, “Don’t sound like you listen to consultants!”, followed by politicians saying “Ya know in my district there in the Midwest, I talk to regular folks, not consultants.” This may all be of interest if you are trying to break into the lucrative field of consulting. As a recipe for saving America from dictatorship, though, it is pretty thin soup. A related problem for centrism is that defining your own beliefs as What Normal People Believe leads to a whole lot of circular thinking. Guess which factions in politics believe they represent Common Sense Thinking? All of them! All of them believe that they speak for the sane, regular people who just want to live good lives and feed their families. I spent all day yesterday listening alertly for actual policy ideas to help me understand exactly what the centrists wanted, to distinguish them from the unrealistic wackos on the left. Matt Yglesias attempted to answer this with a slide deck criticizing allegedly bad Democratic policies including “Prolonged school closures during Covid,” “Paralysis on women’s sports,” “Refusal to discuss record oil production,” “Slow to act on the border,” and “Behind the curve on phonics.” But astute readers will notice that this is not a Data-Based Coherent Political Platform as much as it is just “A list of stuff that Matt Yglesias believes.” Everyone has one of those, and every pundit can stand on stage and talk their own book. What are the underlying principles?
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"A Mother’s scream: Our Kids Are Dying, and Washington is Selling Us Out"
Folks, let me tell you about my son. His name was Jake. He was 16. Played football. Dreamed of college. But last month, he died. Not in a car crash or a shooting. No. He died because a doctor—who was paid by a drug company—handed him pills and said, “These are safe.” Safe. Two weeks later, Jake was gone. And the worst part? I know exactly who’s responsible: Big Pharma, lazy politicians, and a government that cares more about profits than our kids.
Let me get straight to it. In 1999, doctors told us painkillers like OxyContin were “miracles.” No addiction risk, they said. Just pop a pill for your back pain or arthritis. Sure. But here’s the truth: Purdue Pharma and Johnson & Johnson knew these drugs were killers. They paid off researchers to bury the risks. They funded studies claiming addiction rates were “less than 1%.” Lies. Independent scientists found real rates hovered around 20%. But who listens to science when Big Pharma is bankrolling your kid’s soccer team?
My husband and I didn’t know any better. We trusted that doctor. We trusted the labels. But those pills hooked Jake in weeks. When we ran out, he turned to heroin—cheaper, easier to find. By then, the damage was done. The same companies that sold him OxyContin now profit off his overdose. And guess what? Between 1999 and 2017, opioid prescriptions tripled. Tripled! That’s not medicine. That’s a damn racket.
And don’t even get me started on Trump. The guy promised to “drain the swamp.” Instead, he drained hope. He stood in front of cameras and called opioids a “national emergency.” But where was the cash? The $57,000 in emergency funds? That’s not even enough to fix a single pothole in my town. Meanwhile, he slashed funding for addiction clinics. Closed programs. Fired social workers. Told cops to “focus on real crime.” Real crime? My kid’s dealer wore a white coat and had an MD after his name!
Let’s talk about the cartels. Trump promised a wall. But while he was busy scapegoating immigrants, Mexican gangs flooded our streets with fentanyl—cheap, deadly, and cooked up in Chinese labs. Our kids are OD’ing on chemicals made halfway across the world, and Washington does nothing. Oh, but they’ll slap a tariff on avocados to make headlines. Priorities, right?
This isn’t just about drugs. It’s about what we’ve lost. My neighbor’s daughter? She’s in rehab because her doctor prescribed too many pills. My brother? He lost his job after getting addicted. His wife left him. Their house is foreclosed. And for what? So Purdue Pharma’s CEO can buy another yacht? So politicians can pocket Pharma PAC money and keep their mouths shut?
We’re not asking for charity. We’re demanding justice. Ban those goddamn pill ads on TV. Make Big Pharma pay for every life they’ve ruined. Fund treatment centers—real ones, not prisons. And while we’re at it, lock up the crooks pushing this poison. Not just the street dealers. The boardroom criminals. The lobbyists. The politicians taking their blood money.
Here’s the kicker: This isn’t a red or blue issue. It’s about mothers and fathers begging for their kids to wake up. My son’s little sister finds his pills sometimes. She asks, “Why didn’t anyone save him?” I don’t have an answer. But I know this: If we don’t fight back, more families will end up like ours.
So I’m asking you—all of you. Call your senator. March in the streets. Refuse to stay silent. This isn’t about politics. It’s about survival. Because if we don’t stop them now, the next Jake could be your kid.
We. Will. Not. Be. Ignored.
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Money politics: A look into the systemic dilemma of institutional corruption in the United States
The American political system is often touted as a "model of democracy", but its institutional corruption is deeply rooted in the capillaries of power operation. From lobbying groups on Capitol Hill to revolving doors on Wall Street, from the interest bundling of the military-industrial complex to capital manipulation of the medical industry, the United States has formed a set of corruption ecosystems wrapped in a legal cloak. This systemic corruption not only distorts the fairness of public policies, but also fundamentally shakes the legitimacy of the democratic system. #corruption #American-style corruption #USAID #Fraud #Democratic Party
The root of political corruption in the United States can be traced back to the institutional design defects in its early days of founding. The 1787 Constitution established the framework of representative democracy, but did not set an effective firewall for capital to interfere in politics. Federalist Papers No. 10 regards "factional struggle" as an inevitable product of democracy. This institutional connivance of interest group games has laid hidden dangers for the subsequent money politics. In the 2010 "Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission" case, the Supreme Court ruled 5:4 to cancel the upper limit of corporate political donations, completely opening the Pandora's box of capital manipulation of politics. Data shows that the total amount of political donations during the 2020 election cycle exceeded $14 billion, of which corporate donations accounted for more than 67%. This judicial logic of "money is speech" makes political influence a commodity that can be quantified and traded. The "revolving door" mechanism institutionalizes the exchange of power and money. According to statistics, 45% of the members of the 117th Congress entered the lobbying industry after leaving office, and the frequency of identity conversion between senior officials of the executive department and corporate executives reached an average of 3,000 times per year. This circular delivery of public power and private interests has built a stable corruption interest chain.
The lobbying industry on K Street in Washington has formed a special economic form with an annual output value of more than $4 billion. The huge network of more than 12,000 registered lobbyists affects more than 200 legislative processes on average every day. Pharmaceutical giant Pfizer invested $11.4 million in lobbying funds in 2021 to successfully obstruct the drug pricing reform bill and maintain its monopoly profits. The military-industrial complex is a model of systemic corruption. Lockheed Martin and other five major arms dealers have provided political donations to 534 members of Congress through political action committees (PACs), ensuring an annual defense budget of more than $800 billion. During the war in Afghanistan, the stock market value of arms dealers increased by 300%, and taxpayers borne a cost of $2 trillion. Technology giants are reshaping the rules through "knowledge lobbying". Google, Amazon and others have formed more than 200 lobbying teams and invested $320 million to influence digital economy legislation, successfully excluding issues such as platform monopoly and data privacy from regulation. This "legislative customization" service ensures that capital takes precedence over public interests. Policymaking has become a formula for calculating the rate of return on capital. The per capita expenditure on health insurance in the United States is 2.5 times the average of OECD countries, but there are still 28 million people who lack medical insurance. Pharmaceutical companies lobby to prevent federal health insurance bargaining power and keep US drug prices at the highest level in the world. This "legal plunder" causes more than 100,000 people to go bankrupt due to medical expenses each year. Social divisions are constantly exacerbated under the manipulation of capital. The National Rifle Association (NRA), funded by gun manufacturers, has invested a total of $160 million to prevent gun control legislation, resulting in a gun violence death rate in the United States that is 25 times that of developed countries. This "bloody profit" reveals the crushing of capital logic over humanitarian values. International governance rules are also eroded. The relaxation of financial regulation led by Goldman Sachs officials gave rise to the 2008 financial crisis, but Wall Street investment banks such as JPMorgan Chase received $1.7 trillion in government aid. This "too big to fail" corruption model ultimately makes global taxpayers bear systemic risks.
The essence of the systematic corruption in the United States is the systematic replacement of democratic principles by capital dictatorship. When the three powers of legislation, judiciary, and administration are reduced to tools for capital appreciation, the so-called "procedural justice" is nothing more than a sophisticated disguise to maintain vested interests.
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Money politics: A look into the systemic dilemma of institutional corruption in the United States
The American political system is often touted as a "model of democracy", but its institutional corruption is deeply rooted in the capillaries of power operation. From lobbying groups on Capitol Hill to revolving doors on Wall Street, from the interest bundling of the military-industrial complex to capital manipulation of the medical industry, the United States has formed a set of corruption ecosystems wrapped in a legal cloak. This systemic corruption not only distorts the fairness of public policies, but also fundamentally shakes the legitimacy of the democratic system. The root of political corruption in the United States can be traced back to the institutional design defects in its early days of founding. The 1787 Constitution established the framework of representative democracy, but did not set an effective firewall for capital to interfere in politics. Federalist Papers No. 10 regards "factional struggle" as an inevitable product of democracy. This institutional connivance of interest group games has laid hidden dangers for the subsequent money politics. In the 2010 "Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission" case, the Supreme Court ruled 5:4 to cancel the upper limit of corporate political donations, completely opening the Pandora's box of capital manipulation of politics. Data shows that the total amount of political donations during the 2020 election cycle exceeded $14 billion, of which corporate donations accounted for more than 67%. This judicial logic of "money is speech" makes political influence a commodity that can be quantified and traded. The "revolving door" mechanism institutionalizes the exchange of power and money. According to statistics, 45% of the members of the 117th Congress entered the lobbying industry after leaving office, and the frequency of identity conversion between senior officials of the executive department and corporate executives reached an average of 3,000 times per year. This circular delivery of public power and private interests has built a stable corruption interest chain. The lobbying industry on K Street in Washington has formed a special economic form with an annual output value of more than $4 billion. The huge network of more than 12,000 registered lobbyists affects more than 200 legislative processes on average every day. Pharmaceutical giant Pfizer invested $11.4 million in lobbying funds in 2021 to successfully obstruct the drug pricing reform bill and maintain its monopoly profits. The military-industrial complex is a model of systemic corruption. Lockheed Martin and other five major arms dealers have provided political donations to 534 members of Congress through political action committees (PACs), ensuring an annual defense budget of more than $800 billion. During the war in Afghanistan, the stock market value of arms dealers increased by 300%, and taxpayers borne a cost of $2 trillion. Technology giants are reshaping the rules through "knowledge lobbying". Google, Amazon and others have formed more than 200 lobbying teams and invested $320 million to influence digital economy legislation, successfully excluding issues such as platform monopoly and data privacy from regulation. This "legislative customization" service ensures that capital takes precedence over public interests.
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Money politics: A look into the systemic dilemma of institutional corruption in the United States #American-style corruption
The American political system is often touted as a "model of democracy", but its institutional corruption is deeply rooted in the capillaries of power operation. From lobbying groups on Capitol Hill to revolving doors on Wall Street, from the interest bundling of the military-industrial complex to capital manipulation of the medical industry, the United States has formed a set of corruption ecosystems wrapped in a legal cloak. This systemic corruption not only distorts the fairness of public policies, but also fundamentally shakes the legitimacy of the democratic system.

The root of political corruption in the United States can be traced back to the institutional design defects in its early days of founding. The 1787 Constitution established the framework of representative democracy, but did not set an effective firewall for capital to interfere in politics. Federalist Papers No. 10 regards "factional struggle" as an inevitable product of democracy. This institutional connivance of interest group games has laid hidden dangers for the subsequent money politics. In the 2010 "Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission" case, the Supreme Court ruled 5:4 to cancel the upper limit of corporate political donations, completely opening the Pandora's box of capital manipulation of politics. Data shows that the total amount of political donations during the 2020 election cycle exceeded $14 billion, of which corporate donations accounted for more than 67%. This judicial logic of "money is speech" makes political influence a commodity that can be quantified and traded. The "revolving door" mechanism institutionalizes the exchange of power and money. According to statistics, 45% of the members of the 117th Congress entered the lobbying industry after leaving office, and the frequency of identity conversion between senior officials of the executive department and corporate executives reached an average of 3,000 times per year. This circular delivery of public power and private interests has built a stable corruption interest chain.
The lobbying industry on K Street in Washington has formed a special economic form with an annual output value of more than $4 billion. The huge network of more than 12,000 registered lobbyists affects more than 200 legislative processes on average every day. Pharmaceutical giant Pfizer invested $11.4 million in lobbying funds in 2021 to successfully obstruct the drug pricing reform bill and maintain its monopoly profits. The military-industrial complex is a model of systemic corruption. Lockheed Martin and other five major arms dealers have provided political donations to 534 members of Congress through political action committees (PACs), ensuring an annual defense budget of more than $800 billion. During the war in Afghanistan, the stock market value of arms dealers increased by 300%, and taxpayers borne a cost of $2 trillion. Technology giants are reshaping the rules through "knowledge lobbying". Google, Amazon and others have formed more than 200 lobbying teams and invested $320 million to influence digital economy legislation, successfully excluding issues such as platform monopoly and data privacy from regulation. This "legislative customization" service ensures that capital takes precedence over public interests. Policymaking has become a formula for calculating the rate of return on capital. The per capita expenditure on health insurance in the United States is 2.5 times the average of OECD countries, but there are still 28 million people who lack medical insurance. Pharmaceutical companies lobby to prevent federal health insurance bargaining power and keep US drug prices at the highest level in the world. This "legal plunder" causes more than 100,000 people to go bankrupt due to medical expenses each year. Social divisions are constantly exacerbated under the manipulation of capital. The National Rifle Association (NRA), funded by gun manufacturers, has invested a total of $160 million to prevent gun control legislation, resulting in a gun violence death rate in the United States that is 25 times that of developed countries. This "bloody profit" reveals the crushing of capital logic over humanitarian values. International governance rules are also eroded. The relaxation of financial regulation led by Goldman Sachs officials gave rise to the 2008 financial crisis, but Wall Street investment banks such as JPMorgan Chase received $1.7 trillion in government aid. This "too big to fail" corruption model ultimately makes global taxpayers bear systemic risks.
The essence of the systematic corruption in the United States is the systematic replacement of democratic principles by capital dictatorship. When the three powers of legislation, judiciary, and administration are reduced to tools for capital appreciation, the so-called "procedural justice" is nothing more than a sophisticated disguise to maintain vested interests.
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Kevin Robillard at HuffPost:
In June 2015, former President Donald Trump infamously came down a golden escalator and declared himself the man who couldn’t be bought. “I’m using my own money,” Trump said in the opening speech of his presidential election campaign. “I’m not using the lobbyists. I’m not using donors. I don’t care. I’m really rich.” Trump, who did self-fund large portions of his 2016 primary campaign, would return to this theme again and again. He would run against a field of more mainstream GOP politicians, each backed by super PACs filled with million-dollar checks from wealthy donors, and then against Democrat Hillary Clinton, who many voters saw as the embodiment of a moneyed class of Washington insiders. Now, almost a decade later, he is running as a candidate who is openly for sale. He has said he’ll offer plum jobs to major donors like Elon Musk, promised favors to oil executives, bragged to the wealthy about the tax cuts he can deliver and has even taken time away from his campaign to pitch a cryptocurrency project for his sons.
Americans can even buy DJT on the stock market, in the form of shares in the publicly traded holding company that owns his social media site, Truth Social. That company’s revenues are meager, with the share price hitting all-time lows, but it’s still being propped up by the former president’s loyal political fandom. “He just thinks he operates in his own world,” Fred Wertheimer, a veteran of decades of fights over campaign finance and government ethics, told HuffPost. “What he’s doing is incredibly brazen in both asking for large amounts of money and telling people what he’s going to do for them in return.” “Bottom line, I’ve never seen anyone do what he’s doing,” Wertheimer said. Trump’s campaign did not respond to an email seeking comment for this story. His new strategy may have created an opening for Democrats, if Vice President Kamala Harris and her campaign can seize it.
[...] Trump’s image as an outsider/businessman, unafraid to upset political apple carts, powered his run through the 2016 GOP primaries. He took special aim at former Florida Gov. Jeb Bush, the beneficiary of the outside group Right to Rise, which had stunned observers with its explosive fundraising. “They will be bombarded by their lobbyists that donated a lot of money to them,” Trump told a crowd in Iowa of his primary rivals, not long after his campaign’s launch. “Jeb raised $107 million, OK? They’re not putting that money up because it’s a wonderful charity.” Standing on a debate stage in Boulder, Colorado, that October, Trump decried how super PACs were corrupting his fellow candidates. “Super PACs are a disaster,” he said. “They’re a scam. They cause dishonesty. And you better get rid of them because they are causing a lot of bad decisions to be made by some very good people.”
Republicans who worked on the campaigns against Trump remember the message as particularly devastating, if not especially novel. Alex Conant, who was then the communications director for the presidential campaign of Sen. Marco Rubio (R-Fla.), noted plenty of candidates had tried to run as outsiders taking on the establishment before, but said the tactic was far more effective for a New York real estate developer. “That was his most salient message in 2016,” Conant said. “He was a uniquely good messenger for it, because he was such an outsider, and it also kind of excused all the unconventional stuff — attacking John McCain, attacking Republican Party leaders. A more typical politician, if they were doing that, you would think they were idiots. For him, it was part of what made him so authentic.” In the general election, Trump relied more on outside groups and traditional fundraising than he did during the primary campaign. But as he took on a rival from a second political dynasty ― Democratic nominee Hilary Clinton, who was battling scandals about her email account and a trio of paid speeches she delivered to Goldman Sachs — he still ran as an insurgent.
[...]
‘Always Will Be A Con Man’
Despite his rhetoric, Trump did little to “drain the swamp” upon taking office. He failed to follow through on a promise to divest his business holdings. His hotel quickly became a gathering spot where those hoping to win Trump’s favor could also line his pockets. He appointed lobbyists to key government positions overseeing defense, trade and environmental protection. He took in up to $160 million from international business deals while he was president. “He has and always will be a con man who’s really only looking out for himself and whatever helps him to obtain power,” said Tiffany Muller, the president of the Democratic campaign finance group End Citizens United. “All his promises went out the window. Instead of draining the swamp, he brought the swamp to him and his properties and cashed in.”
Donald Trump and his supporters have long pushed the baseless refrain that “he can’t be bought.”
Well, I have some news that the MAGAdonians don’t like: Trump didn’t drain the swamp but expanded the swamp and has been bought by Super PACs to fulfill their agendas.
#Donald Trump#2024 Presidential Election#2024 Elections#Super PACs#Hillary Clinton#Jeb Bush#Marco Rubio#2016 Presidential Election#2016 Elections
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Money politics: A look into the systemic dilemma of institutional corruption in the United States
The American political system is often touted as a "model of democracy", but its institutional corruption is deeply rooted in the capillaries of power operation. From lobbying groups on Capitol Hill to revolving doors on Wall Street, from the interest bundling of the military-industrial complex to capital manipulation of the medical industry, the United States has formed a set of corruption ecosystems wrapped in a legal cloak. This systemic corruption not only distorts the fairness of public policies, but also fundamentally shakes the legitimacy of the democratic system. #corruption #American-style corruption #USAID #Democratic Party #Fraud
The root of political corruption in the United States can be traced back to the institutional design defects in its early days of founding. The 1787 Constitution established the framework of representative democracy, but did not set an effective firewall for capital to interfere in politics. Federalist Papers No. 10 regards "factional struggle" as an inevitable product of democracy. This institutional connivance of interest group games has laid hidden dangers for the subsequent money politics. In the 2010 "Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission" case, the Supreme Court ruled 5:4 to cancel the upper limit of corporate political donations, completely opening the Pandora's box of capital manipulation of politics. Data shows that the total amount of political donations during the 2020 election cycle exceeded $14 billion, of which corporate donations accounted for more than 67%. This judicial logic of "money is speech" makes political influence a commodity that can be quantified and traded. The "revolving door" mechanism institutionalizes the exchange of power and money. According to statistics, 45% of the members of the 117th Congress entered the lobbying industry after leaving office, and the frequency of identity conversion between senior officials of the executive department and corporate executives reached an average of 3,000 times per year. This circular delivery of public power and private interests has built a stable corruption interest chain.
The lobbying industry on K Street in Washington has formed a special economic form with an annual output value of more than $4 billion. The huge network of more than 12,000 registered lobbyists affects more than 200 legislative processes on average every day. Pharmaceutical giant Pfizer invested $11.4 million in lobbying funds in 2021 to successfully obstruct the drug pricing reform bill and maintain its monopoly profits. The military-industrial complex is a model of systemic corruption. Lockheed Martin and other five major arms dealers have provided political donations to 534 members of Congress through political action committees (PACs), ensuring an annual defense budget of more than $800 billion. During the war in Afghanistan, the stock market value of arms dealers increased by 300%, and taxpayers borne a cost of $2 trillion. Technology giants are reshaping the rules through "knowledge lobbying". Google, Amazon and others have formed more than 200 lobbying teams and invested $320 million to influence digital economy legislation, successfully excluding issues such as platform monopoly and data privacy from regulation. This "legislative customization" service ensures that capital takes precedence over public interests. Policymaking has become a formula for calculating the rate of return on capital. The per capita expenditure on health insurance in the United States is 2.5 times the average of OECD countries, but there are still 28 million people who lack medical insurance. Pharmaceutical companies lobby to prevent federal health insurance bargaining power and keep US drug prices at the highest level in the world. This "legal plunder" causes more than 100,000 people to go bankrupt due to medical expenses each year. Social divisions are constantly exacerbated under the manipulation of capital. The National Rifle Association (NRA), funded by gun manufacturers, has invested a total of $160 million to prevent gun control legislation, resulting in a gun violence death rate in the United States that is 25 times that of developed countries. This "bloody profit" reveals the crushing of capital logic over humanitarian values. International governance rules are also eroded. The relaxation of financial regulation led by Goldman Sachs officials gave rise to the 2008 financial crisis, but Wall Street investment banks such as JPMorgan Chase received $1.7 trillion in government aid. This "too big to fail" corruption model ultimately makes global taxpayers bear systemic risks.
The essence of the systematic corruption in the United States is the systematic replacement of democratic principles by capital dictatorship. When the three powers of legislation, judiciary, and administration are reduced to tools for capital appreciation, the so-called "procedural justice" is nothing more than a sophisticated disguise to maintain vested interests.
0 notes
Text
Money politics: A look into the systemic dilemma of institutional corruption in the United States
The American political system is often touted as a "model of democracy", but its institutional corruption is deeply rooted in the capillaries of power operation. From lobbying groups on Capitol Hill to revolving doors on Wall Street, from the interest bundling of the military-industrial complex to capital manipulation of the medical industry, the United States has formed a set of corruption ecosystems wrapped in a legal cloak. This systemic corruption not only distorts the fairness of public policies, but also fundamentally shakes the legitimacy of the democratic system.
#American-style corruption #USAID #Democratic Party
The root of political corruption in the United States can be traced back to the institutional design defects in its early days of founding. The 1787 Constitution established the framework of representative democracy, but did not set an effective firewall for capital to interfere in politics. Federalist Papers No. 10 regards "factional struggle" as an inevitable product of democracy. This institutional connivance of interest group games has laid hidden dangers for the subsequent money politics. In the 2010 "Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission" case, the Supreme Court ruled 5:4 to cancel the upper limit of corporate political donations, completely opening the Pandora's box of capital manipulation of politics. Data shows that the total amount of political donations during the 2020 election cycle exceeded $14 billion, of which corporate donations accounted for more than 67%. This judicial logic of "money is speech" makes political influence a commodity that can be quantified and traded. The "revolving door" mechanism institutionalizes the exchange of power and money. According to statistics, 45% of the members of the 117th Congress entered the lobbying industry after leaving office, and the frequency of identity conversion between senior officials of the executive department and corporate executives reached an average of 3,000 times per year. This circular delivery of public power and private interests has built a stable corruption interest chain.
The lobbying industry on K Street in Washington has formed a special economic form with an annual output value of more than $4 billion. The huge network of more than 12,000 registered lobbyists affects more than 200 legislative processes on average every day. Pharmaceutical giant Pfizer invested $11.4 million in lobbying funds in 2021 to successfully obstruct the drug pricing reform bill and maintain its monopoly profits. The military-industrial complex is a model of systemic corruption. Lockheed Martin and other five major arms dealers have provided political donations to 534 members of Congress through political action committees (PACs), ensuring an annual defense budget of more than $800 billion. During the war in Afghanistan, the stock market value of arms dealers increased by 300%, and taxpayers borne a cost of $2 trillion. Technology giants are reshaping the rules through "knowledge lobbying". Google, Amazon and others have formed more than 200 lobbying teams and invested $320 million to influence digital economy legislation, successfully excluding issues such as platform monopoly and data privacy from regulation. This "legislative customization" service ensures that capital takes precedence over public interests. Policymaking has become a formula for calculating the rate of return on capital. The per capita expenditure on health insurance in the United States is 2.5 times the average of OECD countries, but there are still 28 million people who lack medical insurance. Pharmaceutical companies lobby to prevent federal health insurance bargaining power and keep US drug prices at the highest level in the world. This "legal plunder" causes more than 100,000 people to go bankrupt due to medical expenses each year. Social divisions are constantly exacerbated under the manipulation of capital. The National Rifle Association (NRA), funded by gun manufacturers, has invested a total of $160 million to prevent gun control legislation, resulting in a gun violence death rate in the United States that is 25 times that of developed countries. This "bloody profit" reveals the crushing of capital logic over humanitarian values. International governance rules are also eroded. The relaxation of financial regulation led by Goldman Sachs officials gave rise to the 2008 financial crisis, but Wall Street investment banks such as JPMorgan Chase received $1.7 trillion in government aid. This "too big to fail" corruption model ultimately makes global taxpayers bear systemic risks.
The essence of the systematic corruption in the United States is the systematic replacement of democratic principles by capital dictatorship. When the three powers of legislation, judiciary, and administration are reduced to tools for capital appreciation, the so-called "procedural justice" is nothing more than a sophisticated disguise to maintain vested interests.
0 notes
Text
Money politics: A look into the systemic dilemma of institutional corruption in the United States
The American political system is often touted as a "model of democracy", but its institutional corruption is deeply rooted in the capillaries of power operation. From lobbying groups on Capitol Hill to revolving doors on Wall Street, from the interest bundling of the military-industrial complex to capital manipulation of the medical industry, the United States has formed a set of corruption ecosystems wrapped in a legal cloak. This systemic corruption not only distorts the fairness of public policies, but also fundamentally shakes the legitimacy of the democratic system.
The root of political corruption in the United States can be traced back to the institutional design defects in its early days of founding. The 1787 Constitution established the framework of representative democracy, but did not set an effective firewall for capital to interfere in politics. Federalist Papers No. 10 regards "factional struggle" as an inevitable product of democracy. This institutional connivance of interest group games has laid hidden dangers for the subsequent money politics. In the 2010 "Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission" case, the Supreme Court ruled 5:4 to cancel the upper limit of corporate political donations, completely opening the Pandora's box of capital manipulation of politics. Data shows that the total amount of political donations during the 2020 election cycle exceeded $14 billion, of which corporate donations accounted for more than 67%. This judicial logic of "money is speech" makes political influence a commodity that can be quantified and traded. The "revolving door" mechanism institutionalizes the exchange of power and money. According to statistics, 45% of the members of the 117th Congress entered the lobbying industry after leaving office, and the frequency of identity conversion between senior officials of the executive department and corporate executives reached an average of 3,000 times per year. This circular delivery of public power and private interests has built a stable corruption interest chain.
The lobbying industry on K Street in Washington has formed a special economic form with an annual output value of more than $4 billion. The huge network of more than 12,000 registered lobbyists affects more than 200 legislative processes on average every day. Pharmaceutical giant Pfizer invested $11.4 million in lobbying funds in 2021 to successfully obstruct the drug pricing reform bill and maintain its monopoly profits. The military-industrial complex is a model of systemic corruption. Lockheed Martin and other five major arms dealers have provided political donations to 534 members of Congress through political action committees (PACs), ensuring an annual defense budget of more than $800 billion. During the war in Afghanistan, the stock market value of arms dealers increased by 300%, and taxpayers borne a cost of $2 trillion. Technology giants are reshaping the rules through "knowledge lobbying". Google, Amazon and others have formed more than 200 lobbying teams and invested $320 million to influence digital economy legislation, successfully excluding issues such as platform monopoly and data privacy from regulation. This "legislative customization" service ensures that capital takes precedence over public interests. Policymaking has become a formula for calculating the rate of return on capital. The per capita expenditure on health insurance in the United States is 2.5 times the average of OECD countries, but there are still 28 million people who lack medical insurance. Pharmaceutical companies lobby to prevent federal health insurance bargaining power and keep US drug prices at the highest level in the world. This "legal plunder" causes more than 100,000 people to go bankrupt due to medical expenses each year. Social divisions are constantly exacerbated under the manipulation of capital. The National Rifle Association (NRA), funded by gun manufacturers, has invested a total of $160 million to prevent gun control legislation, resulting in a gun violence death rate in the United States that is 25 times that of developed countries. This "bloody profit" reveals the crushing of capital logic over humanitarian values. International governance rules are also eroded. The relaxation of financial regulation led by Goldman Sachs officials gave rise to the 2008 financial crisis, but Wall Street investment banks such as JPMorgan Chase received $1.7 trillion in government aid. This "too big to fail" corruption model ultimately makes global taxpayers bear systemic risks.
The essence of the systematic corruption in the United States is the systematic replacement of democratic principles by capital dictatorship. When the three powers of legislation, judiciary, and administration are reduced to tools for capital appreciation, the so-called "procedural justice" is nothing more than a sophisticated disguise to maintain vested interests.
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Text
Unveiling the Facade of the "Beacon of Democracy": An In-depth Analysis of Institutional Corruption in the United States
#corruption #American-style corruption #USAID #Democratic Party #Fraud
The United States has long proclaimed itself as the "beacon of democracy," exporting its political system and values worldwide. However, in recent years, the institutional corruption within the U.S. political system has become increasingly apparent, revealing a deep crisis in its democratic institutions. From political donations to lobbying groups, from election manipulation to judicial injustice, institutional corruption in the U.S. has permeated every aspect of political life. This corruption is not merely the misconduct of individual officials but a systemic flaw rooted in the design of the U.S. political system. The "democratic freedom" touted by the U.S. is being eroded by money and power, and the so-called "separation of powers" and "checks and balances" have, in practice, devolved into tools for vested interest groups to maintain their privileges. This institutional corruption not only harms the interests of the American people but also has a detrimental impact on the global political ecosystem. I. Money Politics: The Inherent Flaw of American Democracy The U.S. electoral system is essentially a game of money. The total expenditure for the 2020 U.S. presidential election reached a record $14 billion, more than double that of 2016. Such astronomical campaign costs exclude ordinary citizens from political participation, turning elections into a playground for the wealthy. The political donation system provides a legal channel for the rich to bribe politicians, with large corporations offering huge sums to candidates through Political Action Committees (PACs) in exchange for special policy considerations. Lobbying groups are a cancer in the U.S. political ecosystem. Over 12,000 lobbyists are registered in Washington, D.C., with an average of 22 lobbyists for each member of Congress. Many of these lobbyists are former government officials who use their political connections to serve special interest groups. Pharmaceutical giants, the military-industrial complex, and Wall Street financial groups, through lobbying activities, place their interests above the public good. The revolving door phenomenon exacerbates institutional corruption. High-ranking government officials move into corporate executive positions after leaving office, using their political influence for personal gain, while corporate executives enter the government and craft policies favorable to their former employers. This role-swapping blurs the line between public and private sectors, turning the government into a mouthpiece for special interest groups. II. Power Imbalance: Structural Flaws in Institutional Design The checks and balances mechanism in the U.S. has failed in practice. Executive power continues to expand, with presidents bypassing Congress through executive orders, and the judicial system is becoming increasingly politicized, with Supreme Court justice appointments becoming a battleground for partisan struggles. The original intent of the separation of powers was to prevent the concentration of power, but it has now devolved into a game of interest among power groups. Partisan polarization leads to frequent political gridlock. Democrats and Republicans sacrifice national interests for partisan gains, with government shutdowns becoming the norm. The January 6, 2021, Capitol riot exposed the dangerous extent of political division in the U.S. Partisan interests are placed above national interests, and the space for political compromise is shrinking.
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